Emil Weber

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Emil Weber

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He also involved himself in politics, joining the left-leaning Evangelical Social Congress. From to , Weber was a member of the Alldeutscher Verband Pan-German League , an organization that campaigned against the influx of the Polish workers; the degree of Weber's support for the Germanisation of Poles and similar nationalist policies is still debated by modern scholars.

Weber and his wife, Marianne , moved to Freiburg in , where Weber was appointed professor of economics at the Albert-Ludwigs University , [24] [25] before accepting the same position at the University of Heidelberg in In , Weber Sr.

After spending the summer and fall months of in a sanatorium , Weber and his wife travelled to Italy at the end of the year, not returning to Heidelberg until April He would again withdraw from teaching in and would not return until Weber's ordeal with mental illness was carefully described in a personal chronology that was destroyed by his wife.

This chronicle was supposedly destroyed because Marianne feared that Weber's work would be discredited by the Nazis if his experience with mental illness were widely known.

After Weber's immense productivity in the early s, he did not publish any papers between early and late , finally resigning his professorship in late Some other of his works written in the first one and a half decades of the 20th century—published posthumously and dedicated primarily from the fields of sociology of religion, economic and legal sociology—are also recognised as among his most important intellectual contributions.

A monument to his visit was placed at the home of relatives whom Weber visited in Mt. Airy , North Carolina.

Despite his partial recovery evident in America, Weber felt that he was unable to resume regular teaching at that time and continued on as a private scholar, helped by an inheritance in Later in , Weber tried to organise a left-wing political party to combine social-democrats and liberals.

This attempt was unsuccessful, in part because many liberals feared social-democratic revolutionary ideals. At the outbreak of World War I , Weber, aged 50, volunteered for service and was appointed as a reserve officer in charge of organizing the army hospitals in Heidelberg, a role he fulfilled until the end of In time, however, Weber became one of the most prominent critics of German expansionism and of the Kaiser's war policies.

Weber joined the worker and soldier council of Heidelberg in These provisions were later used by Adolf Hitler to subvert the rest of the constitution and institute rule by decree, allowing his regime to suppress opposition and gain dictatorial powers.

Weber would also run, though unsuccessfully, for a parliamentary seat, as a member of the liberal German Democratic Party , which he had co-founded.

In Weber's critique of the left, he complained of the leaders of the leftist Spartacus League , led by Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg , that controlled the city government of Berlin while Weber was campaigning for his party: [46].

We have this [German] revolution to thank for the fact that we cannot send a single division against the Poles. All we see is dirt, muck, dung, and horse-play—nothing else.

Liebknecht belongs in the madhouse and Rosa Luxemburg in the zoological gardens. Weber was, at the same time, critical of the Versailles Treaty , which he believed unjustly assigned " war guilt " to Germany when it came to the war, as Weber believed that many countries were guilty of starting it, not just Germany.

In making this case, Weber argued: [47] : In the case of this war there is one, and only one power that desired it under all circumstances through its own will and, according to their political goals required: Russia.

Later that same month, in January , after Weber and his party were defeated for election, Weber delivered one of his greatest academic lectures, " Politics as a Vocation ", which reflected on the inherent violence and dishonesty he saw among politicians—a profession in which only recently Weber was so personally active.

About the nature of politicians, he concluded that, "in nine out of ten cases they are windbags puffed up with hot air about themselves. They are not in touch with reality, and they do not feel the burden they need to shoulder; they just intoxicate themselves with romantic sensations.

Frustrated with politics, Weber resumed teaching during this time, first at the University of Vienna , then, after , at the University of Munich.

Many colleagues and students in Munich attacked his response to the German Revolution, while some right-wing students held protests in front of his home.

His widow, Marianne, helped prepare it for its publication in — Sociology, for Max Weber, is "a science which attempts the interpretive understanding of social action in order thereby to arrive at a causal explanation of its course and effects.

Made clear in his methodology, Weber distinguished himself from Durkheim , Marx , and other classical figures, in that a his primary focus would be on individuals and culture; [15] and b unlike theorists such as Comte and Durkheim, he did not consciously attempt to create any specific set of rules governing sociology or the social sciences in general.

Compared to Marx, who argued for the primacy of the material world over the world of ideas, Weber valued ideas as motivating actions of individuals, at least in the big picture.

Weber would primarily be concerned with the question of objectivity and subjectivity , [13] going on to distinguish social action from social behavior , noting that social action must be understood through how individuals subjectively relate to one another.

Overall, Weber supported the goal of objective science as one definitely worth striving for, though he noted that it is ultimately an unreachable goal: [52].

There is no absolutely "objective" scientific analysis of culture. The principle of methodological individualism , which holds that social scientists should seek to understand collectivities e.

We know of no scientifically ascertainable ideals. To be sure, that makes our efforts more arduous than in the past, since we are expected to create our ideals from within our breast in the very age of subjectivist culture.

Weber's methodology was developed in the context of a wider debate about methodology of social sciences, the Methodenstreit "method dispute".

Max Weber's theory of bureaucracy , also known as the " rational-legal " model, attempts to explain bureaucracy from a rational point of view. In particular, Weber notes three aspects that "constitute the essence of bureaucratic administration" in the public sector , and "the essence of a bureaucratic management of a private company" in the private sector : [47] : 76—7.

As Weber noted, real bureaucracy is less optimal and effective than his ideal-type model. Each of Weber's principles can degenerate, especially when used to analyze individual levels in an organization.

However, when implemented in a group setting in an organization, some form of efficiency and effectiveness can be achieved, especially with regard to better output.

This is especially true when the Bureaucratic Model emphasizes qualification merits , specialization of job-scope labour , hierarchy of power, rules, and discipline.

Competencies, efficiency and effectiveness can be unclear and contradictory, especially when dealing with oversimplified matters.

In a dehumanized bureaucracy—inflexible in distributing the job-scope, with every worker having to specialize from day one without rotating tasks for fear of decreasing output—tasks are often routine and can contribute to boredom.

Thus, employees can sometimes feel that they are not part of the organization's work vision and mission. Consequently, they do not have any sense of belonging in the long term.

Furthermore, this type of organization tends to invite exploitation and underestimate the potential of the employees, as creativity of the workers is brushed aside in favour of strict adherence to rules, regulations and procedures.

Many scholars have described rationalisation and the question of individual freedom in an increasingly rational society, as the main theme of Weber's work.

Weber understood rationalisation, first, as the individual cost-benefit calculation; second, as the wider bureaucratic organisation of the organisations; and finally, in the more general sense, as the opposite of understanding the reality through mystery and magic i.

The fate of our times is characterised by rationalisation and intellectualisation and, above all, by the "disenchantment of the world".

Weber began his studies of the subject in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism , in which he argued that the redefinition of the connection between work and piety in Protestantism and especially in ascetic Protestant denominations , particularly Calvinism , shifted human effort towards rational efforts aimed at achieving economic gain.

Weber continued his investigation into this matter in later works, notably in his studies on bureaucracy and on the classification of legitimate authority into three types— rational-legal , traditional and charismatic —of which the rational-legal through bureaucracy is the dominant one in the modern world.

What Weber depicted was not only the secularisation of Western culture , but also and especially the development of modern societies from the viewpoint of rationalisation.

The new structures of society were marked by the differentiation of the two functionally intermeshing systems that had taken shape around the organisational cores of the capitalist enterprise and the bureaucratic state apparatus.

Weber understood this process as the institutionalisation of purposive-rational economic and administrative action. To the degree that everyday life was affected by this cultural and societal rationalisation, traditional forms of life—which in the early modern period were differentiated primarily according to one's trade—were dissolved.

Features of rationalisation include increasing knowledge, growing impersonality and enhanced control of social and material life. In a dystopian critique of rationalisation, Weber notes that modern society is a product of an individualistic drive of the Reformation , yet at the same time, the society created in this process is less and less welcoming of individualism: [13] "How is it at all possible to salvage any remnants of 'individual' freedom of movement in any sense given this all-powerful trend?

His work on other religions, however, would be interrupted by his sudden death in , which prevented him from following Ancient Judaism with studies of early Christianity and Islam.

Weber saw religion as one of the core forces in society. Other notable factors mentioned by Weber included the rationalism of scientific pursuit, merging observation with mathematics, science of scholarship and jurisprudence, rational systematisation and bureaucratisation of government administration and economic enterprise.

Weber also proposed a socio-evolutionary model of religious change, showing that in general, societies have moved from magic to polytheism , then to pantheism , monotheism and finally, ethical monotheism.

Weber also notes that societies having more Protestants were those with a more highly developed capitalist economy.

The development of the concept of the calling quickly gave to the modern entrepreneur a fabulously clear conscience—and also industrious workers; he gave to his employees as the wages of their ascetic devotion to the calling and of co-operation in his ruthless exploitation of them through capitalism the prospect of eternal salvation.

Christian religious devotion had historically been accompanied by rejection of mundane affairs, including economic pursuit. Weber abandoned research into Protestantism as his colleague Ernst Troeltsch , a professional theologian, had begun work on the book Social Teachings of the Christian Churches and Sects.

Another reason for Weber's decision was that Troeltsch's work already achieved what he desired in that area: laying the groundwork for a comparative analysis of religion and society.

The phrase " work ethic " used in modern commentary is a derivative of the " Protestant ethic " discussed by Weber.

It was adopted when the idea of the Protestant ethic was generalised to apply to the Japanese people, Jews and other non-Christians and thus lost its religious connotations.

The Religion of China: Confucianism and Taoism was Weber's second major work on the sociology of religion.

Hans H. Gerth edited and translated this text into English, with an introduction by C. His work also questioned why capitalism did not develop in China.

According to Weber, Confucianism and Puritanism are mutually exclusive types of rational thought , each attempting to prescribe a way of life based on religious dogma.

In this work he deals with the structure of Indian society, with the orthodox doctrines of Hinduism and the heterodox doctrines of Buddhism , with modifications brought by the influence of popular religiosity and finally with the impact of religious beliefs on the secular ethic of Indian society.

Weber ended his research of society and religion in India by bringing in insights from his previous work on China to discuss similarities of the Asian belief systems.

His next work, Ancient Judaism was an attempt to prove this theory. In Ancient Judaism , his fourth major work on the sociology of religion, Weber attempted to explain the factors that resulted in the early differences between Oriental and Occidental religiosity.

Weber claimed that Judaism not only fathered Christianity and Islam, but was crucial to the rise of the modern Occidental state; Judaism's influence was as important as Hellenistic and Roman cultures.

Weber's death in prevented him from following his planned analysis of Psalms , the Book of Job , Talmudic Jewry, early Christianity and Islam.

The 'theodicy of fortune and misfortune' within sociology is the theory, as Weber suggested, of how "members of different social classes adopt different belief systems, or theodices, to explain their social situation.

The concept of theodicy was expanded mainly with the thought of Weber and his addition of ethical considerations to the subject of religion.

There is an ethical part of religion, that includes: [90]. There is a separation of different theodicies with regard to class: "theodicies of misfortune tend to the belief that wealth and other manifestations of privilege are indications or signs of evil.

Weber also distinguishes that, "the affluent embrace good fortune theodicies, which emphasise that prosperity is a blessing of God…[while] theodices of misfortune emphasise that affluence is a sign of evil and that suffering in this world will be rewarded in the next.

Weber defines the importance of societal class within religion by examining the difference between the two theodicies and to what class structures they apply.

The concept of "work ethic" is attached to the theodicy of fortune; thus, because of the Protestant "work ethic", there was a contribution of higher class outcomes and more education among Protestants.

Another example of how this belief of religious theodicy influences class, is that those of lower status, the poor, cling to deep religiousness and faith as a way to comfort themselves and provide hope for a more prosperous future, while those of higher status cling to the sacraments or actions that prove their right of possessing greater wealth.

These two theodicies can be found in the denominational segregation within the religious community. The main division can be seen between the mainline Protestant and evangelical denominations and their relation to the class into which their particular theodicy pertains.

For example, mainline churches, with their upper class congregations "promote[d] order, stability, and conservatism, and in so doing proved to be a powerful source of legitimation of the status quo and of existing disparities in the distribution of wealth and power," because much of the wealth of the church comes from the congregation.

They instead "advocated change intended to advance the cause of justice and fairness". In political sociology , one of Weber's most influential contributions is his essay " Politik als Beruf " " Politics as a Vocation " , in which he defines "the state " as an entity that possesses a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force.

Accordingly, Weber proposed that politics is the sharing of state power between various groups, whereas political leaders are those who wield this power.

Weber distinguished three ideal types of political leadership aka three types of domination, legitimisation or authority : [57] [98].

In his view, every historical relation between rulers and ruled contained such elements, which can be analysed on the basis of this tripartite distinction.

The move towards a rational-legal structure of authority, utilising a bureaucratic structure, is inevitable in the end. This ties to his broader concept of rationalisation by suggesting the inevitability of a move in this direction.

Weber described many ideal types of public administration and government in his masterpiece Economy and Society His critical study of the bureaucratisation of society became one of the most enduring parts of his work.

Weber listed several preconditions for the emergence of the bureaucracy, which resulted in a need for a more efficient administrative system, including: [].

Development of communication and transportation technologies made more efficient administration possible and popularly requested and democratisation and rationalisation of culture resulted in demands that the new system treat everybody equally.

Weber's ideal bureaucracy is characterised by hierarchical organisation, by delineated lines of authority in a fixed area of activity, by action taken and recorded on the basis of written rules, by bureaucratic officials needing expert training, by rules being implemented neutrally and by career advancement depending on technical qualifications judged by organisations, not by individuals.

The decisive reason for the advance of the bureaucratic organisation has always been its purely technical superiority over any other form of organisation.

While recognising bureaucracy as the most efficient form of organisation and even indispensable for the modern state, Weber also saw it as a threat to individual freedoms and the ongoing bureaucratisation as leading to a "polar night of icy darkness", in which increasing rationalisation of human life traps individuals in the aforementioned " iron cage " of bureaucratic, rule-based, rational control.

Weber also formulated a three-component theory of stratification , with social class, social status and political party as conceptually distinct elements.

In Weber's theory, issues of honour and prestige are important. This distinction is most clearly described in Weber's essay Classes, Staende, Parties , which was first published in his book Economy and Society.

All three dimensions have consequences for what Weber called " life chances " opportunities to improve one's life.

As part of his overarching effort to understand the unique development of the Western world, Weber produced a detailed general study of the city as the characteristic locus of the social and economic relations, political arrangements, and ideas that eventually came to define the West.

This resulted in a monograph, The City , which he probably compiled from research conducted in — It was published posthumously in , and, in , was incorporated into the second part of his Economy and Society , as the sixteenth chapter, "The City Non-legitimate Domination ".

According to Weber, the city as a politically autonomous organisation of people living in close proximity, employed in a variety of specialised trades, and physically separated from the surrounding countryside, only fully developed in the West and to a great extent shaped its cultural evolution: [].

The origin of a rational and inner-worldly ethic is associated in the Occident with the appearance of thinkers and prophets…who developed in a social context that was alien to the Asiatic cultures.

This context consisted of the political problems engendered by the bourgeois status-group of the city, without which neither Judaism, nor Christianity, nor the development of Hellenistic thinking are conceivable.

Weber argued that Judaism , early Christianity, theology, and later the political party and modern science, were only possible in the urban context that reached a full development in the West alone.

Weber regarded himself primarily as a " political economist ", [] [] [] and all of his professorial appointments were in economics, though today his contributions in that field are largely overshadowed by his role as a founder of modern sociology.

As an economist, Weber belonged to the "youngest" German historical school of economics. Weber's magnum opus Economy and Society is a collection of his essays that he was working on at the time of his death in After his death, the final organization and editing of the book fell to his widow Marianne.

The final German form published in reflected very much Marianne's work and intellectual commitment. The composition includes a wide range of essays dealing with Weber's views regarding sociology, social philosophy , politics, social stratification , world religion , diplomacy , and other subjects.

Beginning in , the German jurist Johannes Winckelmann began editing and organizing the German edition of Economy and Society based on his study of the papers that Weber left at his death.

English versions of the work were published as a collected volume in , as edited by Gunther Roth and Claus Wittich.

As a result of the various editions in German and English, there are differences between the organization of the different volumes.

The book is typically published in a two volume set in both German and English, and is more than pages long.

Though his research interests were always in line with those of the German historicists, with a strong emphasis on interpreting economic history , Weber's defence of " methodological individualism " in the social sciences represented an important break with that school and an embracing of many of the arguments that had been made against the historicists by Carl Menger , the founder of the Austrian School of economics, in the context of the academic Methodenstreit "debate over methods" of the late 19th century.

Unlike other historicists, Weber also accepted the marginal theory of value aka "marginalism" and taught it to his students. Max Weber's article has been cited as a definitive refutation of the dependence of the economic theory of value on the laws of psychophysics by Lionel Robbins , George Stigler , [] and Friedrich Hayek , though the broader issue of the relation between economics and psychology has come back into the academic debate with the development of " behavioral economics ".

Weber's best known work in economics concerned the preconditions for capitalist development, particularly the relations between religion and capitalism, which he explored in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism as well as in his other works on the sociology of religion.

Although today Weber is primarily read by sociologists and social philosophers , Weber's work did have a significant influence on Frank Knight , one of the founders of the neoclassical Chicago school of economics , who translated Weber's General Economic History into English in Weber, like his colleague Werner Sombart , regarded economic calculation and especially the double-entry bookkeeping method of business accounting, as one of the most important forms of rationalisation associated with the development of modern capitalism.

In order to make possible a rational utilisation of the means of production, a system of in-kind accounting would have to determine "value"—indicators of some kind for the individual capital goods which could take over the role of the "prices" used in book valuation in modern business accounting.

But it is not at all clear how such indicators could be established and in particular, verified; whether, for instance, they should vary from one production unit to the next on the basis of economic location , or whether they should be uniform for the entire economy, on the basis of "social utility", that is, of present and future consumption requirements Nothing is gained by assuming that, if only the problem of a non-monetary economy were seriously enough attacked, a suitable accounting method would be discovered or invented.

The problem is fundamental to any kind of complete socialisation. We cannot speak of a rational "planned economy" so long as in this decisive respect we have no instrument for elaborating a rational "plan".

This argument against socialism was made independently, at about the same time, by Ludwig von Mises. Weber's thinking was strongly influenced by German idealism , particularly by neo-Kantianism , which he had been exposed to through Heinrich Rickert , his professorial colleague at the University of Freiburg.

Weber was also influenced by Kantian ethics , which he nonetheless came to think of as obsolete in a modern age lacking in religious certainties.

In this last respect, the influence of Friedrich Nietzsche's philosophy is evident. Another major influence in Weber's life was the writings of Karl Marx and the workings of socialist thought in academia and active politics.

While Weber shares some of Marx's consternation with bureaucratic systems and maligns them as being capable of advancing their own logic to the detriment of human freedom and autonomy, Weber views conflict as perpetual and inevitable and does not host the spirit of a materially available utopia.

Though the influence of his mother's Calvinist religiosity is evident throughout Weber's life and work as he maintained a deep, lifelong interest in the study of religions, Weber was open about the fact that he was personally irreligious.

As a political economist and economic historian , Weber belonged to the "youngest" German historical school of economics , represented by academics such as Gustav von Schmoller and his student Werner Sombart.

However, even though Weber's research interests were very much in line with this school, his views on methodology and the theory of value diverged significantly from those of other German historicists and were closer, in fact, to those of Carl Menger and the Austrian School , the traditional rivals of the historical school.

New research suggests that some of Weber's theories, including his interest in the sociology of Far Eastern religion and elements of his theory of disenchantment, were actually shaped by Weber's interaction with contemporary German occult figures.

However, Weber disagreed with many of George's views and never formally joined George's occult circle. The prestige of Max Weber among European social scientists would be difficult to over-estimate.

He is widely considered the greatest of German sociologists and…has become a leading influence in European and American thought. Weber's most influential work was on economic sociology , political sociology , and the sociology of religion.

But whereas Durkheim, following Comte , worked in the positivist tradition, Weber was instrumental in developing an antipositivist , hermeneutic , tradition in the social sciences.

Weber presented sociology as the science of human social action ; action that he separated into traditional , affectional , value-rational and instrumental.

By "action" in this definition is meant the human behaviour when and to the extent that the agent or agents see it as subjectively meaningful …the meaning to which we refer may be either a the meaning actually intended either by an individual agent on a particular historical occasion or by a number of agents on an approximate average in a given set of cases, or b the meaning attributed to the agent or agents, as types, in a pure type constructed in the abstract.

In neither case is the "meaning" to be thought of as somehow objectively "correct" or "true" by some metaphysical criterion. This is the difference between the empirical sciences of action, such as sociology and history and any kind of a priori discipline, such as jurisprudence, logic, ethics, or aesthetics whose aim is to extract from their subject-matter "correct" or "valid" meaning.

In his own time, however, Weber was viewed primarily as a historian and an economist. The affinity between capitalism and Protestantism, the religious origins of the Western world, the force of charisma in religion as well as in politics, the all-embracing process of rationalisation and the bureaucratic price of progress, the role of legitimacy and of violence as the offspring of leadership, the "disenchantment" of the modern world together with the never-ending power of religion, the antagonistic relation between intellectualism and eroticism: all these are key concepts which attest to the enduring fascination of Weber's thinking.

Many of Weber's works famous today were collected, revised and published posthumously. Significant interpretations of his writings were produced by such sociological luminaries as Talcott Parsons and C.

Wright Mills. Parsons in particular imparted to Weber's works a functionalist, teleological perspective; this personal interpretation has been criticised for a latent conservatism.

Had Weber lived longer, the German people of today would be able to look to this example of an ' Aryan ' who would not be broken by National Socialism.

Weber's friend, the psychiatrist and existentialist philosopher Karl Jaspers , described him as "the greatest German of our era.

Weber's explanations are highly specific to the historical periods he analysed. Many scholars, however, disagree with specific claims in Weber's historical analysis.

For example, the economist Joseph Schumpeter argued that capitalism did not begin with the Industrial Revolution but in 14th century Italy.

Also, the predominantly Calvinist country of Scotland did not enjoy the same economic growth as the Netherlands, England and New England. It has been pointed out that the Netherlands, which had a Calvinist majority, industrialised much later in the 19th century than predominantly Catholic Belgium, which was one of the centres of the Industrial Revolution on the European mainland.

For an extensive list of Max Weber's works, see Max Weber bibliography. Weber wrote in German. Original titles printed after his death are most likely compilations of his unfinished works of the Collected Essays Many translations are made of parts or sections of various German originals and the names of the translations often do not reveal what part of German work they contain.

Weber's work is generally quoted according to the critical Max Weber-Gesamtausgabe Collected Works edition , which is published by Mohr Siebeck in Tübingen.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. German sociologist, philosopher, and political economist. For other people named Max Weber, see Max Weber disambiguation.

Erfurt , Saxony , Prussia. Munich , Bavaria , Germany. Friedrich Wilhelm University Heidelberg University.

Economics sociology history law. Political economics political science political philosophy. Weberian bureaucracy instrumental and value-rational action instrumental and value rationality instrumental and intrinsic value charismatic , traditional , and rational-legal authority ideal type iron cage life chances methodological individualism monopoly on violence Protestant work ethic rationalisation , secularisation , and disenchantment social action three-component stratification tripartite classification of authority Verstehen.

Main article: The Religion of China. Main article: The Religion of India. Main article: Ancient Judaism book.

See also: Max Weber and German politics. Main article: Economy and Society. See: section on Weber and economics.

Biography portal Society portal. Protestant Ethic , pp. The Cambridge Companion to Machiavelli. Cambridge University Press. Max Weber and His Contemporaries.

In Alexander, Jeffrey C. Berkeley, California: University of California Press. Random House. Encyclopedia of the City.

Sociology 14th ed. Boston: Pearson. Roxbury Publishing. Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Center for the Study of Language and Information.

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In the years between the completion of his dissertation and habilitation, Weber took an interest in contemporary social policy.

In , he joined the Verein für Socialpolitik , [29] a new professional association of German economists affiliated with the historical school , who saw the role of economics primarily as finding solutions to the social problems of the age and who pioneered large scale statistical studies of economic issues.

He also involved himself in politics, joining the left-leaning Evangelical Social Congress. From to , Weber was a member of the Alldeutscher Verband Pan-German League , an organization that campaigned against the influx of the Polish workers; the degree of Weber's support for the Germanisation of Poles and similar nationalist policies is still debated by modern scholars.

Weber and his wife, Marianne , moved to Freiburg in , where Weber was appointed professor of economics at the Albert-Ludwigs University , [24] [25] before accepting the same position at the University of Heidelberg in In , Weber Sr.

After spending the summer and fall months of in a sanatorium , Weber and his wife travelled to Italy at the end of the year, not returning to Heidelberg until April He would again withdraw from teaching in and would not return until Weber's ordeal with mental illness was carefully described in a personal chronology that was destroyed by his wife.

This chronicle was supposedly destroyed because Marianne feared that Weber's work would be discredited by the Nazis if his experience with mental illness were widely known.

After Weber's immense productivity in the early s, he did not publish any papers between early and late , finally resigning his professorship in late Some other of his works written in the first one and a half decades of the 20th century—published posthumously and dedicated primarily from the fields of sociology of religion, economic and legal sociology—are also recognised as among his most important intellectual contributions.

A monument to his visit was placed at the home of relatives whom Weber visited in Mt. Airy , North Carolina. Despite his partial recovery evident in America, Weber felt that he was unable to resume regular teaching at that time and continued on as a private scholar, helped by an inheritance in Later in , Weber tried to organise a left-wing political party to combine social-democrats and liberals.

This attempt was unsuccessful, in part because many liberals feared social-democratic revolutionary ideals. At the outbreak of World War I , Weber, aged 50, volunteered for service and was appointed as a reserve officer in charge of organizing the army hospitals in Heidelberg, a role he fulfilled until the end of In time, however, Weber became one of the most prominent critics of German expansionism and of the Kaiser's war policies.

Weber joined the worker and soldier council of Heidelberg in These provisions were later used by Adolf Hitler to subvert the rest of the constitution and institute rule by decree, allowing his regime to suppress opposition and gain dictatorial powers.

Weber would also run, though unsuccessfully, for a parliamentary seat, as a member of the liberal German Democratic Party , which he had co-founded.

In Weber's critique of the left, he complained of the leaders of the leftist Spartacus League , led by Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg , that controlled the city government of Berlin while Weber was campaigning for his party: [46].

We have this [German] revolution to thank for the fact that we cannot send a single division against the Poles. All we see is dirt, muck, dung, and horse-play—nothing else.

Liebknecht belongs in the madhouse and Rosa Luxemburg in the zoological gardens. Weber was, at the same time, critical of the Versailles Treaty , which he believed unjustly assigned " war guilt " to Germany when it came to the war, as Weber believed that many countries were guilty of starting it, not just Germany.

In making this case, Weber argued: [47] : In the case of this war there is one, and only one power that desired it under all circumstances through its own will and, according to their political goals required: Russia.

Later that same month, in January , after Weber and his party were defeated for election, Weber delivered one of his greatest academic lectures, " Politics as a Vocation ", which reflected on the inherent violence and dishonesty he saw among politicians—a profession in which only recently Weber was so personally active.

About the nature of politicians, he concluded that, "in nine out of ten cases they are windbags puffed up with hot air about themselves.

They are not in touch with reality, and they do not feel the burden they need to shoulder; they just intoxicate themselves with romantic sensations.

Frustrated with politics, Weber resumed teaching during this time, first at the University of Vienna , then, after , at the University of Munich.

Many colleagues and students in Munich attacked his response to the German Revolution, while some right-wing students held protests in front of his home.

His widow, Marianne, helped prepare it for its publication in — Sociology, for Max Weber, is "a science which attempts the interpretive understanding of social action in order thereby to arrive at a causal explanation of its course and effects.

Made clear in his methodology, Weber distinguished himself from Durkheim , Marx , and other classical figures, in that a his primary focus would be on individuals and culture; [15] and b unlike theorists such as Comte and Durkheim, he did not consciously attempt to create any specific set of rules governing sociology or the social sciences in general.

Compared to Marx, who argued for the primacy of the material world over the world of ideas, Weber valued ideas as motivating actions of individuals, at least in the big picture.

Weber would primarily be concerned with the question of objectivity and subjectivity , [13] going on to distinguish social action from social behavior , noting that social action must be understood through how individuals subjectively relate to one another.

Overall, Weber supported the goal of objective science as one definitely worth striving for, though he noted that it is ultimately an unreachable goal: [52].

There is no absolutely "objective" scientific analysis of culture. The principle of methodological individualism , which holds that social scientists should seek to understand collectivities e.

We know of no scientifically ascertainable ideals. To be sure, that makes our efforts more arduous than in the past, since we are expected to create our ideals from within our breast in the very age of subjectivist culture.

Weber's methodology was developed in the context of a wider debate about methodology of social sciences, the Methodenstreit "method dispute".

Max Weber's theory of bureaucracy , also known as the " rational-legal " model, attempts to explain bureaucracy from a rational point of view.

In particular, Weber notes three aspects that "constitute the essence of bureaucratic administration" in the public sector , and "the essence of a bureaucratic management of a private company" in the private sector : [47] : 76—7.

As Weber noted, real bureaucracy is less optimal and effective than his ideal-type model. Each of Weber's principles can degenerate, especially when used to analyze individual levels in an organization.

However, when implemented in a group setting in an organization, some form of efficiency and effectiveness can be achieved, especially with regard to better output.

This is especially true when the Bureaucratic Model emphasizes qualification merits , specialization of job-scope labour , hierarchy of power, rules, and discipline.

Competencies, efficiency and effectiveness can be unclear and contradictory, especially when dealing with oversimplified matters.

In a dehumanized bureaucracy—inflexible in distributing the job-scope, with every worker having to specialize from day one without rotating tasks for fear of decreasing output—tasks are often routine and can contribute to boredom.

Thus, employees can sometimes feel that they are not part of the organization's work vision and mission.

Consequently, they do not have any sense of belonging in the long term. Furthermore, this type of organization tends to invite exploitation and underestimate the potential of the employees, as creativity of the workers is brushed aside in favour of strict adherence to rules, regulations and procedures.

Many scholars have described rationalisation and the question of individual freedom in an increasingly rational society, as the main theme of Weber's work.

Weber understood rationalisation, first, as the individual cost-benefit calculation; second, as the wider bureaucratic organisation of the organisations; and finally, in the more general sense, as the opposite of understanding the reality through mystery and magic i.

The fate of our times is characterised by rationalisation and intellectualisation and, above all, by the "disenchantment of the world".

Weber began his studies of the subject in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism , in which he argued that the redefinition of the connection between work and piety in Protestantism and especially in ascetic Protestant denominations , particularly Calvinism , shifted human effort towards rational efforts aimed at achieving economic gain.

Weber continued his investigation into this matter in later works, notably in his studies on bureaucracy and on the classification of legitimate authority into three types— rational-legal , traditional and charismatic —of which the rational-legal through bureaucracy is the dominant one in the modern world.

What Weber depicted was not only the secularisation of Western culture , but also and especially the development of modern societies from the viewpoint of rationalisation.

The new structures of society were marked by the differentiation of the two functionally intermeshing systems that had taken shape around the organisational cores of the capitalist enterprise and the bureaucratic state apparatus.

Weber understood this process as the institutionalisation of purposive-rational economic and administrative action.

To the degree that everyday life was affected by this cultural and societal rationalisation, traditional forms of life—which in the early modern period were differentiated primarily according to one's trade—were dissolved.

Features of rationalisation include increasing knowledge, growing impersonality and enhanced control of social and material life.

In a dystopian critique of rationalisation, Weber notes that modern society is a product of an individualistic drive of the Reformation , yet at the same time, the society created in this process is less and less welcoming of individualism: [13] "How is it at all possible to salvage any remnants of 'individual' freedom of movement in any sense given this all-powerful trend?

His work on other religions, however, would be interrupted by his sudden death in , which prevented him from following Ancient Judaism with studies of early Christianity and Islam.

Weber saw religion as one of the core forces in society. Other notable factors mentioned by Weber included the rationalism of scientific pursuit, merging observation with mathematics, science of scholarship and jurisprudence, rational systematisation and bureaucratisation of government administration and economic enterprise.

Weber also proposed a socio-evolutionary model of religious change, showing that in general, societies have moved from magic to polytheism , then to pantheism , monotheism and finally, ethical monotheism.

Weber also notes that societies having more Protestants were those with a more highly developed capitalist economy.

The development of the concept of the calling quickly gave to the modern entrepreneur a fabulously clear conscience—and also industrious workers; he gave to his employees as the wages of their ascetic devotion to the calling and of co-operation in his ruthless exploitation of them through capitalism the prospect of eternal salvation.

Christian religious devotion had historically been accompanied by rejection of mundane affairs, including economic pursuit.

Weber abandoned research into Protestantism as his colleague Ernst Troeltsch , a professional theologian, had begun work on the book Social Teachings of the Christian Churches and Sects.

Another reason for Weber's decision was that Troeltsch's work already achieved what he desired in that area: laying the groundwork for a comparative analysis of religion and society.

The phrase " work ethic " used in modern commentary is a derivative of the " Protestant ethic " discussed by Weber. It was adopted when the idea of the Protestant ethic was generalised to apply to the Japanese people, Jews and other non-Christians and thus lost its religious connotations.

The Religion of China: Confucianism and Taoism was Weber's second major work on the sociology of religion. Hans H. Gerth edited and translated this text into English, with an introduction by C.

His work also questioned why capitalism did not develop in China. According to Weber, Confucianism and Puritanism are mutually exclusive types of rational thought , each attempting to prescribe a way of life based on religious dogma.

In this work he deals with the structure of Indian society, with the orthodox doctrines of Hinduism and the heterodox doctrines of Buddhism , with modifications brought by the influence of popular religiosity and finally with the impact of religious beliefs on the secular ethic of Indian society.

Weber ended his research of society and religion in India by bringing in insights from his previous work on China to discuss similarities of the Asian belief systems.

His next work, Ancient Judaism was an attempt to prove this theory. In Ancient Judaism , his fourth major work on the sociology of religion, Weber attempted to explain the factors that resulted in the early differences between Oriental and Occidental religiosity.

Weber claimed that Judaism not only fathered Christianity and Islam, but was crucial to the rise of the modern Occidental state; Judaism's influence was as important as Hellenistic and Roman cultures.

Weber's death in prevented him from following his planned analysis of Psalms , the Book of Job , Talmudic Jewry, early Christianity and Islam.

The 'theodicy of fortune and misfortune' within sociology is the theory, as Weber suggested, of how "members of different social classes adopt different belief systems, or theodices, to explain their social situation.

The concept of theodicy was expanded mainly with the thought of Weber and his addition of ethical considerations to the subject of religion.

There is an ethical part of religion, that includes: [90]. There is a separation of different theodicies with regard to class: "theodicies of misfortune tend to the belief that wealth and other manifestations of privilege are indications or signs of evil.

Weber also distinguishes that, "the affluent embrace good fortune theodicies, which emphasise that prosperity is a blessing of God…[while] theodices of misfortune emphasise that affluence is a sign of evil and that suffering in this world will be rewarded in the next.

Weber defines the importance of societal class within religion by examining the difference between the two theodicies and to what class structures they apply.

The concept of "work ethic" is attached to the theodicy of fortune; thus, because of the Protestant "work ethic", there was a contribution of higher class outcomes and more education among Protestants.

Another example of how this belief of religious theodicy influences class, is that those of lower status, the poor, cling to deep religiousness and faith as a way to comfort themselves and provide hope for a more prosperous future, while those of higher status cling to the sacraments or actions that prove their right of possessing greater wealth.

These two theodicies can be found in the denominational segregation within the religious community. The main division can be seen between the mainline Protestant and evangelical denominations and their relation to the class into which their particular theodicy pertains.

For example, mainline churches, with their upper class congregations "promote[d] order, stability, and conservatism, and in so doing proved to be a powerful source of legitimation of the status quo and of existing disparities in the distribution of wealth and power," because much of the wealth of the church comes from the congregation.

They instead "advocated change intended to advance the cause of justice and fairness". In political sociology , one of Weber's most influential contributions is his essay " Politik als Beruf " " Politics as a Vocation " , in which he defines "the state " as an entity that possesses a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force.

Accordingly, Weber proposed that politics is the sharing of state power between various groups, whereas political leaders are those who wield this power.

Weber distinguished three ideal types of political leadership aka three types of domination, legitimisation or authority : [57] [98].

In his view, every historical relation between rulers and ruled contained such elements, which can be analysed on the basis of this tripartite distinction.

The move towards a rational-legal structure of authority, utilising a bureaucratic structure, is inevitable in the end. This ties to his broader concept of rationalisation by suggesting the inevitability of a move in this direction.

Weber described many ideal types of public administration and government in his masterpiece Economy and Society His critical study of the bureaucratisation of society became one of the most enduring parts of his work.

Weber listed several preconditions for the emergence of the bureaucracy, which resulted in a need for a more efficient administrative system, including: [].

Development of communication and transportation technologies made more efficient administration possible and popularly requested and democratisation and rationalisation of culture resulted in demands that the new system treat everybody equally.

Weber's ideal bureaucracy is characterised by hierarchical organisation, by delineated lines of authority in a fixed area of activity, by action taken and recorded on the basis of written rules, by bureaucratic officials needing expert training, by rules being implemented neutrally and by career advancement depending on technical qualifications judged by organisations, not by individuals.

The decisive reason for the advance of the bureaucratic organisation has always been its purely technical superiority over any other form of organisation.

While recognising bureaucracy as the most efficient form of organisation and even indispensable for the modern state, Weber also saw it as a threat to individual freedoms and the ongoing bureaucratisation as leading to a "polar night of icy darkness", in which increasing rationalisation of human life traps individuals in the aforementioned " iron cage " of bureaucratic, rule-based, rational control.

Weber also formulated a three-component theory of stratification , with social class, social status and political party as conceptually distinct elements.

In Weber's theory, issues of honour and prestige are important. This distinction is most clearly described in Weber's essay Classes, Staende, Parties , which was first published in his book Economy and Society.

All three dimensions have consequences for what Weber called " life chances " opportunities to improve one's life.

As part of his overarching effort to understand the unique development of the Western world, Weber produced a detailed general study of the city as the characteristic locus of the social and economic relations, political arrangements, and ideas that eventually came to define the West.

This resulted in a monograph, The City , which he probably compiled from research conducted in — It was published posthumously in , and, in , was incorporated into the second part of his Economy and Society , as the sixteenth chapter, "The City Non-legitimate Domination ".

According to Weber, the city as a politically autonomous organisation of people living in close proximity, employed in a variety of specialised trades, and physically separated from the surrounding countryside, only fully developed in the West and to a great extent shaped its cultural evolution: [].

The origin of a rational and inner-worldly ethic is associated in the Occident with the appearance of thinkers and prophets…who developed in a social context that was alien to the Asiatic cultures.

This context consisted of the political problems engendered by the bourgeois status-group of the city, without which neither Judaism, nor Christianity, nor the development of Hellenistic thinking are conceivable.

Weber argued that Judaism , early Christianity, theology, and later the political party and modern science, were only possible in the urban context that reached a full development in the West alone.

Weber regarded himself primarily as a " political economist ", [] [] [] and all of his professorial appointments were in economics, though today his contributions in that field are largely overshadowed by his role as a founder of modern sociology.

As an economist, Weber belonged to the "youngest" German historical school of economics. Weber's magnum opus Economy and Society is a collection of his essays that he was working on at the time of his death in After his death, the final organization and editing of the book fell to his widow Marianne.

The final German form published in reflected very much Marianne's work and intellectual commitment. The composition includes a wide range of essays dealing with Weber's views regarding sociology, social philosophy , politics, social stratification , world religion , diplomacy , and other subjects.

Beginning in , the German jurist Johannes Winckelmann began editing and organizing the German edition of Economy and Society based on his study of the papers that Weber left at his death.

English versions of the work were published as a collected volume in , as edited by Gunther Roth and Claus Wittich. As a result of the various editions in German and English, there are differences between the organization of the different volumes.

The book is typically published in a two volume set in both German and English, and is more than pages long. Though his research interests were always in line with those of the German historicists, with a strong emphasis on interpreting economic history , Weber's defence of " methodological individualism " in the social sciences represented an important break with that school and an embracing of many of the arguments that had been made against the historicists by Carl Menger , the founder of the Austrian School of economics, in the context of the academic Methodenstreit "debate over methods" of the late 19th century.

Unlike other historicists, Weber also accepted the marginal theory of value aka "marginalism" and taught it to his students.

Max Weber's article has been cited as a definitive refutation of the dependence of the economic theory of value on the laws of psychophysics by Lionel Robbins , George Stigler , [] and Friedrich Hayek , though the broader issue of the relation between economics and psychology has come back into the academic debate with the development of " behavioral economics ".

Weber's best known work in economics concerned the preconditions for capitalist development, particularly the relations between religion and capitalism, which he explored in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism as well as in his other works on the sociology of religion.

Although today Weber is primarily read by sociologists and social philosophers , Weber's work did have a significant influence on Frank Knight , one of the founders of the neoclassical Chicago school of economics , who translated Weber's General Economic History into English in Weber, like his colleague Werner Sombart , regarded economic calculation and especially the double-entry bookkeeping method of business accounting, as one of the most important forms of rationalisation associated with the development of modern capitalism.

In order to make possible a rational utilisation of the means of production, a system of in-kind accounting would have to determine "value"—indicators of some kind for the individual capital goods which could take over the role of the "prices" used in book valuation in modern business accounting.

But it is not at all clear how such indicators could be established and in particular, verified; whether, for instance, they should vary from one production unit to the next on the basis of economic location , or whether they should be uniform for the entire economy, on the basis of "social utility", that is, of present and future consumption requirements Nothing is gained by assuming that, if only the problem of a non-monetary economy were seriously enough attacked, a suitable accounting method would be discovered or invented.

The problem is fundamental to any kind of complete socialisation. We cannot speak of a rational "planned economy" so long as in this decisive respect we have no instrument for elaborating a rational "plan".

This argument against socialism was made independently, at about the same time, by Ludwig von Mises. Weber's thinking was strongly influenced by German idealism , particularly by neo-Kantianism , which he had been exposed to through Heinrich Rickert , his professorial colleague at the University of Freiburg.

Weber was also influenced by Kantian ethics , which he nonetheless came to think of as obsolete in a modern age lacking in religious certainties.

In this last respect, the influence of Friedrich Nietzsche's philosophy is evident. Another major influence in Weber's life was the writings of Karl Marx and the workings of socialist thought in academia and active politics.

While Weber shares some of Marx's consternation with bureaucratic systems and maligns them as being capable of advancing their own logic to the detriment of human freedom and autonomy, Weber views conflict as perpetual and inevitable and does not host the spirit of a materially available utopia.

Though the influence of his mother's Calvinist religiosity is evident throughout Weber's life and work as he maintained a deep, lifelong interest in the study of religions, Weber was open about the fact that he was personally irreligious.

As a political economist and economic historian , Weber belonged to the "youngest" German historical school of economics , represented by academics such as Gustav von Schmoller and his student Werner Sombart.

However, even though Weber's research interests were very much in line with this school, his views on methodology and the theory of value diverged significantly from those of other German historicists and were closer, in fact, to those of Carl Menger and the Austrian School , the traditional rivals of the historical school.

New research suggests that some of Weber's theories, including his interest in the sociology of Far Eastern religion and elements of his theory of disenchantment, were actually shaped by Weber's interaction with contemporary German occult figures.

However, Weber disagreed with many of George's views and never formally joined George's occult circle. The prestige of Max Weber among European social scientists would be difficult to over-estimate.

He is widely considered the greatest of German sociologists and…has become a leading influence in European and American thought.

Weber's most influential work was on economic sociology , political sociology , and the sociology of religion. But whereas Durkheim, following Comte , worked in the positivist tradition, Weber was instrumental in developing an antipositivist , hermeneutic , tradition in the social sciences.

Weber presented sociology as the science of human social action ; action that he separated into traditional , affectional , value-rational and instrumental.

By "action" in this definition is meant the human behaviour when and to the extent that the agent or agents see it as subjectively meaningful …the meaning to which we refer may be either a the meaning actually intended either by an individual agent on a particular historical occasion or by a number of agents on an approximate average in a given set of cases, or b the meaning attributed to the agent or agents, as types, in a pure type constructed in the abstract.

In neither case is the "meaning" to be thought of as somehow objectively "correct" or "true" by some metaphysical criterion.

This is the difference between the empirical sciences of action, such as sociology and history and any kind of a priori discipline, such as jurisprudence, logic, ethics, or aesthetics whose aim is to extract from their subject-matter "correct" or "valid" meaning.

In his own time, however, Weber was viewed primarily as a historian and an economist. The affinity between capitalism and Protestantism, the religious origins of the Western world, the force of charisma in religion as well as in politics, the all-embracing process of rationalisation and the bureaucratic price of progress, the role of legitimacy and of violence as the offspring of leadership, the "disenchantment" of the modern world together with the never-ending power of religion, the antagonistic relation between intellectualism and eroticism: all these are key concepts which attest to the enduring fascination of Weber's thinking.

Many of Weber's works famous today were collected, revised and published posthumously. Significant interpretations of his writings were produced by such sociological luminaries as Talcott Parsons and C.

Wright Mills. Parsons in particular imparted to Weber's works a functionalist, teleological perspective; this personal interpretation has been criticised for a latent conservatism.

Had Weber lived longer, the German people of today would be able to look to this example of an ' Aryan ' who would not be broken by National Socialism.

Weber's friend, the psychiatrist and existentialist philosopher Karl Jaspers , described him as "the greatest German of our era.

Weber's explanations are highly specific to the historical periods he analysed. Many scholars, however, disagree with specific claims in Weber's historical analysis.

For example, the economist Joseph Schumpeter argued that capitalism did not begin with the Industrial Revolution but in 14th century Italy. Also, the predominantly Calvinist country of Scotland did not enjoy the same economic growth as the Netherlands, England and New England.

It has been pointed out that the Netherlands, which had a Calvinist majority, industrialised much later in the 19th century than predominantly Catholic Belgium, which was one of the centres of the Industrial Revolution on the European mainland.

For an extensive list of Max Weber's works, see Max Weber bibliography. Weber wrote in German. Original titles printed after his death are most likely compilations of his unfinished works of the Collected Essays Many translations are made of parts or sections of various German originals and the names of the translations often do not reveal what part of German work they contain.

Weber's work is generally quoted according to the critical Max Weber-Gesamtausgabe Collected Works edition , which is published by Mohr Siebeck in Tübingen.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. German sociologist, philosopher, and political economist. For other people named Max Weber, see Max Weber disambiguation.

Erfurt , Saxony , Prussia. Munich , Bavaria , Germany. Friedrich Wilhelm University Heidelberg University. Economics sociology history law. Political economics political science political philosophy.

Weberian bureaucracy instrumental and value-rational action instrumental and value rationality instrumental and intrinsic value charismatic , traditional , and rational-legal authority ideal type iron cage life chances methodological individualism monopoly on violence Protestant work ethic rationalisation , secularisation , and disenchantment social action three-component stratification tripartite classification of authority Verstehen.

Main article: The Religion of China. Main article: The Religion of India. Main article: Ancient Judaism book. See also: Max Weber and German politics.

Main article: Economy and Society. See: section on Weber and economics. Biography portal Society portal. Protestant Ethic , pp. The Cambridge Companion to Machiavelli.

Cambridge University Press. Max Weber and His Contemporaries. In Alexander, Jeffrey C. Berkeley, California: University of California Press.

Random House. Encyclopedia of the City. Sociology 14th ed. Boston: Pearson. Roxbury Publishing. Meek at the World RX of Norway.

Retrieved MMA Trondheim. Emil Meek targeted for UFC ". Louis results: Kamaru Usman wins dominant decision over Emil Meek".

Cageside Press. Categories : births Sportspeople from Trondheim Living people Norwegian male mixed martial artists Welterweight mixed martial artists Ultimate Fighting Championship male fighters.

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